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^CIRCULATE.] Lpublished under AuxiiORrxY of the jtational and } 

JACKSON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE. \ 



TAYLOR WHiaER"^ BXPOBSB. 



LETTER 

FROM 

, THE HON. EDMUND BURKE. 

Washingtox, June 17, 1648. 

Dear Sir : Your letter of the 14th instant, inviting me, in beha'f df the Demo- 
crats of Nashua and vicinity, to be present at a meeting proposed to be held hy 
them on Tuesday, the 20th instant, for the purpose of responding to and ratify- 
ing the nominations of Cass and Butler, the nominees of the great Democratic 
party of the Union, for the offices of President and Vice President, has been re- 
ceived. In reply I am compelled to express my regret that it will not be possible 
for me to be present on that occasion. I regret it the more, because it would 
give me great pleasure to unite with any portion of the sterling and indomitable 
portion of Democracy of the Granite State, in responding to nominations so 
honorable to the Democratic party, to the glorious cause which it supports, and 
to the character of our beloved country. 

There is no humbuggery contemplated by the Democratic party in these nomi- 
nations. There is no clap-trap availability^ apart from great principles and mea- 
sures, connected with them. On the contrary, the nominees, Cass and Butler, 
aie known to be of the highest order of talent, which has been ripened and im- 
proved by long experience in political affairs, and of an unblemished private 
character. Their principles are well known, and their capacities for the high 
station for which they have been designated have been thoroughly tested and 
proved. They are men of whom the Democracy may well be proud, and whona 
they will delight to honor. 

General Cass is a native-born son of the Granite State — a self-made man, grow- 
ing up from a poor boy to wealth and the highest respectability in private life, 
and filling almost every grade of office, from the lowest to the highest and most 
responsible, in the service of his country. From the first start in life he has been 
a Democrat. He received the first office he ever held from that great apostle of 
Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, in 1807. He was called to the cabinet by General 
Jackson, and has enjoyed the confidence of every Democratic udministration from 
Jefferson's to that of our present patriotic and truly Democratic President, James 
K. Polk. In every station to which he has been called, civil or military, he has 
acquitted himself with the highest ability and honor. 



Gcneml Builer is equally meritorious and deserving of the confidence ol his 
countrymen. Like Gen. Cass, his life has been mostly devoted to civic pursuits. 
Bui when hi;» country has deiiiiindcd his services in the tented field, he has always 
re.sponiled to the call, lie was the J'avorite of Gen. Jackson, and fought by the 
side of that intrepid old hero in the Indian battles of the south, and at the Treat 
battle of ^<'ew Oilenns. He was :dso anion^r the lirst to rally to the standard of 
his coiintry iu the late war wrdi .Mexico, durin;r which, b} iiis hrdliant success, 
he won ilie hi<ili position of coniniander-in-chief of the American armies in 
Mexico. No man is more bra\e and chivalric as a solilier, and noriC more brilliant 
as a statesman, orator, and scholar. 1 know him peisonally, and can afhrm that 
all 1 have said of him is true. 

But this is not all that can bo said of the illustrious standard-hearers of the 
Democracy. In the var of iSlii and '13, while the I'ederal party, now masked 
under the once patriotic name of Whig, was committing wiiat the National Intel- 
ligencer, the present national organ of tiie Whig parly, denounced as ''moral 
treason"' against their countiy, by aiding tiie cause of Great Britain, Cass and 
Butler were both iji{hting it^? battles; and thus, by conquering our enemies abroad 
and puitini.' down the traitors at home, were doing all in their j)ower to secure an 
lionorable peace. 

And during the late \iar with Mexico, which has been conducted with such 
unparalleled brilliancy, aiid so honorably closed, while the traitorous Whigs were 
aidiiig ihe cause c>*' the enen)y, by traducing that of their own country; while 
they were voting against supplies, and encourasing our enemies to greet our pa- 
triotic soldiers with '•bloody hands and hoyAlable graves,''' Cass anu Butler were 
I'ound fis ever standing by their country, and upholding its cause, its honor and 
its glorv — Butler in the tield, hahting against our enemies — Ca^-s in the Senate, 
susiaiiiin^ our cause by ivs eloquence, wisdom, and devoted patriotism. 

Thus is the cause of tti'J country, its honor, its glory, its success at home, and 
its siandinsr abroad, involved in the election of Cass and Butler. 

But let us take a iflance at that conglomeration of factions who style tliemselves 
the " H7/ig- party/'' and their candidate. 

And, first, of their candidate. Who is he ? For the tulurc fame ol" the standard- 
hearer of ilie Whig paity, I regret to say, it is General Taylor. He is a brave 
old man — has served his country well, and deserves its applause. He led patriotic 
Ameticaiis to battle against his country's Mexican enemie.* ; and he was ever tri- 
umphant, fie was then en^raged in a noble, a patriotic cause, and his star of glory 
never paled. In that noble cause he won his imperishable renown as a warrior. 
So f.:r, his name stands well on the page of history. 

But now, where is Gen. Taylor? lie has permitted t!u; pnemies of his coun- 
try, the Mexicaii symrjathisers at home, the very men who have declared by 
speech, bv Mritini'. and by their votes in Contjres?, that the war in which he won 
lii-s renown was a '*DA>iNAin,n W.\r,'' a '• Work or Bi TCirKHV," deserving the 
**CfRSE OK 11i:ave.v,'' — the very men who have ])rayed for his defeat, wiio would 
have rpjoiced if he and his wjiole army had been conquered and massacred at 
Buena Vii=ta — the verv men who have done everything in their power to disparage 
and disgrace their country in her late contest with Mexico, and who have sought 
to embarrass its councils and paralyze its efforts — who have voted against men 
and siip[)iiep, exprcs.«insr llieir determination to 'Starve the army out of Mexi- 
co,'' — who have Called our brave soldiers '• Butchers," and even applied the 
scandalous epithet to Gen. Taylor himself; these men, thus reeking with pestilent 
treason aL'ainst their coiinlry, General 'I'aylor has permitted to use his illustrious 
name for tiie unholy purpose of defeating and breaking down, politically, the party 



i that has nobly and patriotically sustained that country in tlic council and in the 

"^ lield, in the very war in which the General won all his glory and renown. He 
i heads tlie Mexican Whigs at home in a contest, the object oi' which is to defeat 
•and destroy the American patriots whom he led to victory in Mexico. VVhat spec- 

-6tacle can be more disgusting.'' What exhibition more scandalous P But the brave 
old General reckons this time without his host. 'J'he American patriots will de- 

i^Jeat and disperse bis Mexican Whig cohorts, as easily as lie deleaied and dispersed 
•the real Mexicans at Palo Alto, Resaca, Monterey, and Buena Vist;i. As well 



"^.niight he attetnpt to reinsiate Benedict Arnold and the tories of the revolution in 
I the afi'ections and confidence of the American people, as tiie Whig allies of Mexico 
w!io are now clinging to his skirts, and attempting to smuggle themselves into 
power under the cover of his popular name. The Democrats will honor and 
respect him personally, but they never will vote for him as long as he keeps in 
such bad company. 

But General Taylor says that he is no statesman — that he knows nothing of 
politics — that he does not know whether he is in favor of a bank, a tarifl", or any 
other measure of the Whig party — that he will not pledge himself to any measr 
ure of the Whig party — in short, that he has not even voted for forty years, hav- 
ing been a mere soldier all the days of his life. Why, then, does the \Vhig party— 
the party which advocates a national bank, a high protective tariff, the distribu- 
tion of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, an extravagant system of 
internal improvements, an assumption of the State debts, the bankrupt law, and 
the whole brood of federal measures — support General Taylor.' The only answer 
is, they support him on the ground of his supposed availability. They thus 
abandon all principle, and tight only for ofEce — the " spoils of victory," which 
they ali'ect to despise so much when oat of power — and that is pretty much al- 
ways. 

But, what has rendered General Taylor so available .'' Nothing but the success- 
ful battles which he fought, in a war which they have condemned and opposed. 
What shocking morality is this! What base betrayal of truth and modesty ! What 
violation of decency and consistency ! 

But this is not all. The Whigs of the northern States have pretended to be 
opposed to the further extension of the territory of the United States. Yet, for 
the selfish purposes of securing the offices of the General Government, they are 
willing to support for President a man who was in favor of taking by force seven 
States of the Mexican Republic, running the line as low down as the Sierra Madre 
mountains. 

The Whigs have condemned President Polk for ordering Gen. Taylor to march 
the troops of the United States to the Rio Grande, and thus ^'unconstitutionally'' 
commencing the war. Yet they are ready to vote for the man who advised the 
President to make this very order! 

The Whigs pretend to be horror-stricken at slavery ; they have advocated the 
Wilmot proviso, and have declared that they would never vote ibr a slaveholder. 
Yet they are supporting for President a ?nan loho owns two hundred slaves, and 
who ha? been at least purchasing slaves nearly all his life. 

; The Whigs affected to be horror-stricken at Mr. Van Buren, because it was . 
icontemplated to employ Cuba blood-hounds to hunt the Indians in the Seminole 
war; yet they are supporting for President the very man who commanded in Flo- 
rida on that occasion, and who reconmended that very measure. 

When General Jackson was a candidate for the Presidency, who had not been 

p the army for near twenty years, and then but occasionally, the Whigs aflected 

real horror at the election of a military chieftain. Now they support for Presi- 



dent a man who is f-till a General in the army, and who has no otiier grourd on 
wliich lo advocate his election, except that he has been a fuccesiful military chief- 
tain. 

Can suili hrazon inconsistency, snch barefaced hypocrisy, fail to disgnst honest 
and tnitlilnl men .' And are there no honest men in tiie Whig ranks to be dis- 
gusted bv sucli arrant knavery in politics? We shall see. Let the religious men 
of the \Vhig party be guiiiy of such conduct, and reconcile it to their consciences 
if they can. No man of |irinciplc and intetirily believes in the aiirocious maxim, 
that "all is fair in politics." And if there are any such men in the Whig ranks, 
tliey will scout this foul and disgusting desecration of principle, of which the 
leaders of their party have been guilty, in liie nomination of Gen. Taylor, under 
llie circumstances in which they have presented him for the sulirages of the Ame- 
rican people. 

One word as to the policy of the two parties. Let us recur to 1842. The 
Whig party was then in power. It repealed the Sub-treasury established by iNlr. 
Van Buren. It enacted a high protective tariff, in place of the compromise act, 
which they promised should be perpetual. It distributed the proceeds of the sales 
of the public lands. It established a bankrupt system, by means of which a horde 
ot" broken-'.iown speculators in its ranks escaped from the payment of their just 
debts. It cairied into eifect its favorite system of measures with the exception of 
a bank. What was the result? The revenues of the Government partially failed, 
and it was forced to contract loans, even in a time of profound peace. The policy 
of the Whig party also partially destro}ed the credit of the Government, for it was 
forced to coniracl its loans at a discount, notwithstanding it pronvised to pay in- 
terest cjuarlerly. And the result of this disgraceful policy was the expulsion of 
the Whig party from power in 1S41 ; thus proving, under the Harrison and Tyler 
administrations, as well as those of the two Adamses, that the Federal or Whig 
party is incapable of administering the General Government successfully, and to 
the satisfaction of the people. 

Now, how has it been under the present Democratic administration ? TexdS 
has been annexed, thus adding 350,000 square miles to the territory of the Union. 
A just and equal revenue tarilf has been established, yielding more revenue than 
could be raised under the prohibitory system of the Whig party. The indepen- 
dent treasury has been re-establi-hed, thus preserving the currency in a sound 
condition, and elevating the credit of the Government at home and abroad. A 
war commenced against us by Mexico without just cause, has been carried on, 
and brought to a triuniphaiu and honorable close, after a succession of military 
achievements unparalleled in the aimals of the world for brilliancy and glory. 
The national character has been elevated in the estimation of foreign nations to a 
de<Trec never before known in tlie history of this republic. An additional territory, 
equal to oOO,000 square miles, has been added to the )iational domain; and the 
credit of tlie nation has been constantly preserved. In a time of peace, under the 
\Vhi<T rule, our national stock was below par. During the present administration, 
in the midst of a foreign war it has been sold by the Government at a premium, 
and never at a discount. More than half a million of dollars have been realized 
to the treasury in premiums upon the sale of national stocks under ihc present 
administration. And, to crown all, never has our country been filled with sucli 
abundance, such [)leniy. and bucIj an amount of prosperity and happiness, na- 
tional and individual, as under the present Democratic policy. 

Now, if (ieneral Taylor is elected, this brilliant and glowing picture i^ to be 
changed. He has jjromised not to use the veto power, the great safeguard of the 
pcoprc against vicious legislation; and thus he will permit Whig policy again to 



prevail. Tlien will come national dishoiior, and iialional discredit, and national 
and individual distress. The patriotic men wlio have .sustained the honor and 
glory of their country in the Senate and field, are to be put down ; and the men 
who have sj'mpaihised with the public enemy, nho have traitorously given him 
"aid and coniiort," who have voted for the disgrace of their country in Congress, 
by alleging that the war was unconsiitnlionall / commenced, who have enfouraored 
ihe Mexicans to lasso and butcher our brave young men who volunteered to fisiht 
the battles of their country — men whose conduct sliould render them more infa- 
mous in the estimation of iheir countrymen than Mexican truerillas — are to be in- 
stalled in power, wiih their balelul batch of measures, to depress and embarrass 
the country, to injure its credit, and to destroy the high reputation which it now 
enjoys in the estimation of foreign nations. 

But if those two noble and glorious patriots, Cass and Butler, shall be elected, 
the prosperity, credit, honor, and glory of the republic, will be preservet!. 

Can the intelligent and unwavering Democracy of the Granite State hesitate in. 
their choice ? If there are any honest, consciemious, and patriotic Whigs, I would 
also respectfully ask them, if they can hesitate? 

1 am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

EDMUND BURKE. 

B. B. Whittemore, Esq., -And others of the Committee of Arrangements. 



GEN. ZACHARY TAYLOR— HIS PROFESSIONS AND PRINCIPLES. 

He wires in and wires out, 
And leaves the people still in doubt 
"Whether the snake that made the track 
Is going north or coming back. 

iier.. Taylor's electioneering letters have already been published, and aie now 
before the eidighlened freemen of this great republic. And wh^t a spectacle!! 
Does he or his friends suppose that such palpable contradictions and glaring in- 
consistencies can escape tlie notice and condeinnaliun of his intelligent country- 
men? Let them not " lay that ilattering miction to their souls." The people will 
see, as they have seen, and will know fiiU v;eU hovv to appreciate such turning, and 
twisifng, and trying to dodge responcibiiities, and will iiold his Janus-faced prin- 
ciples, il principles ihey may be called, up to ihe traze of all the s\ orld in all their 
naked and di-gusting deformity, knd now i'or the specifications: 

He has contradicted himseif — 

Est. In relation to his being a candidate for the presidency. 

•2d. In relation to the duty of aspirants to office to declare their political opin- 
ions when called for by the people ; and, 

3d. In relation to the giving of poliiical pledges as to the principles which will 
govern his adiniiiistralion in the event of his election, and his independence as a 
candidate for the presidency. 

Now, if it can be fully made out that Gen. Taylor has, within a twelvemonth, 
ihus contradicted himself in relation to every malerial point on which he has 
wriiiea — if it can be shown that iiis correspondence, though professedly non- 
committal, does in fact prove upon him a coii'miimeni to a grpater degree of 
inconsistency, as to his political position, than was cvt^r before lironght home to 
a public naan — then we do not see upon what urotinds of principle, of public 



policy, or cornnior. honesty, he it" entitled lo receive the votes of any party for 
the prcbideucy. 

We propose now to bring him to trial before the country upon our charges, 
and to see, at"ter a careful inspection of his letters, and committals by his friends 
with his assent, how far good common sense, consistency, and fair dealing war- 
rant his conviction at the Lands of the people. 

Is/. In relation to liii desire to be a candidate for the presidency- 

In his first letter on this subject, dated Monterey, April 2S. IS 17, he says, iu 
answer to the inqifiry wh.eiljerhe would consent to be the candidate ol the Native 
American party — 

" That even if lie was an aspirar.t to the presidential office — vMch uas not the case—h? could 
not, while the country was involved in war, ar.J while his duty called him to take part in the 
operations against the enemy, acknowledge any ambition beyond that of bestowing hi? best 
exertions towards obtaining an adjustment of our difficulties with Mexico." 

In his letter to James W. Taylor, dated Monterey, May IS, 1S47, he says : 

" For the high honor and responsibilities of such an office, (as the presidency,) I take thi^ 
occasion to say that I have not ihe slightest aspiration. A much more tranquil and satisfacforv 
life, after the termination of my present duties, awaits me, I trust, in the society of ray fumily 
and particular friends, and in the occiipatio!i< more congenial to my wishes. 

And again, in his letter to a citizeii in Lansingburg, New York, dated Camp 
near Monterey, May 29, lS47, he says: 

"The presid3ntial office presents no inducements to me to seek it.'? honors or its resl'Onsibiii- 
ties. The tranquility of private life, on the contrary is the great object of my aspirations, on 
the conclusion of the war. But I am not insensible to the persiiation that my services are Vft du? 
to the country, as the countn/ shall see fit to comniaiul them." 

And in iiis letter to Dr. C. Wilco.x. dated Camp near Hlonterev, Mexico, .lulv 
20, 1S47, he says : " ' " 

" I can say, in all sincerity. I have no aspiratioi.s for the presidency ; and if I am a candidate, 
or to be one, it must be recollected I am, or will he made so by others, and hy no ajjency of 
mine in the matter. Under this state ot <hings. slioud a majority of the good people of'oi:r 
country think proper to elevate m? to the first office m their gift — or I mav say the first in the 
world — 1 feel bound to serve them.' 

This is the fourth letter in which he di.^tit^.rtly avows tliat personal'.v, lie has 
no aspirations to the presidency. 

So CVe-f-ir thrice put a-ide the crown, w liPii it was tendered to him ; hi.'t the 
histori in says, that on ilie third occasion he barely put il by. iNow let us s^e 
vheiiier the i>Id GfiieralV ujpiraiions were re illy iti f.ivoi ol" rt'iiracy to privjio 
life, as he has thus far written, or whether their decided and iiowing tenJoticy 
has not been most strongly set in the directi"i) of the White House, Atid now 
for the proof; for out of his own mouth ue intend to convict him. 

The first letter in which he begins to manifest an itching for the presidency, is 
the one to Dr. John T. Clarke of New Jersfy, dated Camp iie.ir Monterey, >te\- 
ico, June 2], 1S17, in which he says : 

"I take tiii.' occasion to renisrk. that if the pjop'e of the country desire to place me ui th.» 
Iiigh office of tin- cliii.'f magistr:i''y. 1 do not fee! myself at liberty lo refuse; but <i!. the coo- 
trary, in that poiition. as well a^ ofie more humble, it will ever be my piide and constant en- 
deavor to serve my country with all tlie ability I piiis.-is." 

In his letter to Willinin Hall, Fsq.. of M^iry'and, dated Camp near >5o!iteicy, 
Mexico, July 0. 1M7, he .>-ays : 

" If the good p-ople of the nation should .so gieatly honor me with elev.ition to the rhief 
magistracy. I shall by all zealoii* en<leavors. and to the best oC my ability . strive to serve theoi, 
and tnaintairi tli- h?5t and hi^^hesl interest of the whole countrv." 



Ill Ills letter to J. A. Birkey, Esq., dated Camp near Monterey, July 13, 1847, 
he says : 

" My willingness to yield to the wishes of the people at largp, and to serve them in t'le oiiice 
of the chief magistracy, should they fully and unanimously place its weighty responsibilities 
upon me, has been moie than once expressed." (This being the third time.) 

But in his lettei to the editors of the Richmond (Va.) Republican, dated Baton 
Rouge, (La.,) April 2I>, 1S4S, after the bud oi: his grov/inor ambition had luUy 
Uossomed, he says, in distinct terms— and listen to the okl man, for he had not 
only now got his aspirations up to the highest pitch, but his dander also — 

"I do not design to withdraw my name, if Mr. Clay be the nominee of the Whig National 
Convenlion ; and, in connexion, I beg permission to remark, that the statements which have 
been so positively mnde in some of the northern prints, to the effect, 'that should Mr. Clay De 
the nominee of the Whig National Convention, I had stated that I would not surfer my '1*"™^ ^o 
be used,' are not correct, and have no foundation in any oral or written remark oi mine, it has 
not been my intention at any moment to change my position, or to withdraw my name trom 
the canvass, wlioever may be the nominee of the national convention, either o. the whig or 
democratic party." 

Now, what of the old GeneraPs aspirations to the presidency ? Three letters 
in favor of retiring to private life, and /o//r— the last he\x\2, a clincher — in favor 
of the White House and its responsibilities, under all circumstances. 
2c/. In relation to the duty of us-pirants to office to declare their political opinions 
when called Jor by the 'people. 
In his letter to Edward Delony, dated Camp near Monterey, Mexico, Jan« 9 
1847, he says : 

"It is a happy feature in our government, that official functionaries under it from the lowest 
to the highest station, are not beyond the reach and partial supervision ot the humblest cti.en, 
and that It is a right inherent in every freeman to possess himself ot the political principles ana 
opinions of those into whose hands the administration of the government may be placed , to an 
of which I fully coincide with you in opinion." iq/Iq 

And in his letter to Captain J. S. Allison, dated Baton Rouge, April 22, 184S, 
he says : „ 

«« I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen. 
Now let us see how his acts in this respect, as shown by other portions of his 
^ correspondence, square with this opinion as expressed to Mr. Delony and Laptain 

Iritis letter to Mr. Biikey, dated at Camp near Monterey, July 13, 1847, he 

says : r k- • 

«<Th^f a=; to the reauest of the Native American convention to be informed of his views 
relat^o- eve al points of national policy as entertained by the Native A'---" Pf/^'^^f 
irmfil asure from^ his public duties' constrains him to reply in 7;y^^^."r ' f"^,^^' ^ ^t,' 
that to the points cited in his letter he does not feel himself at hberVjto exp,e.. hi., frank opiman. 

And in his letter to J. W. Taylor, Esq., of Cincinnati, Ohio, dated Camp near 
Monterey, May IS, 1847, he says : 

» My own personal views were better withheld till the end of the war whe^^^^^^^ 
as a military chief, serving in the field against a common enemy, shall no longei be compiomi.ea 
by their expression, or discussion, in any manner." 

And now, since the war is over, he refuses to take his l^'J^j-^^;, « /^f P^^^^' 
Office, to avoid the responsibility of answering the inquiries of his fellow-.iuzens 
as to hTs political principles, under the parsimonious pretext of the expenseof th. 
lostacre. Suppose any one of those who had written to him should be told by 
£ as an excuse for not answering his letter, that he (a man of ^-"--^ -^^ ^) 
had not taken it out of the office on account of the expense; what would be the 
.Indignation at such treatment? And yet such is the attitude of this would-be 



occupant of the White House ; lor such has been his conduct towards a portion 
of his countrymen, (See the letter of George A. Pike, Esq., postmaster at 
Baton Ronije, the phace of Gen. Taylor's residence, to the Postmaster General, 
dated 8lh of July, 1848.) 

And lastly, in liis Allison letter, (as it is called,) he says : 

"I confess, while 1 have great cartiinal principles [Heaven save the mark !] which will regu- 
late my political life, 1 am not suliiciently familiar with all the minute details of political legisla- 
tioD to give solemn pledges to exert my influence, if I were President, to carry out this or 
defeat that measure. I have no'concealment. I hold no opinion which I would not readily 
proclaim to my a->;sombled coiintiymen ; but crude imjire.-sions upon matters t)f policy, which 
may be right to day and wrong to morrow, are perhaps not the best test of fitness for office. — 
One uho cannot be trusted u-ilhout ]iledgts, cannot be confided in merely on account of them." 

So the old General concludes to give no opinions, after all; and says, in this 
famous letter, which is called \\\s platform of whig principles. "/ do not know 
thai I shall again write upon this subject of national politics. "" And now he is 
General Mum, and refuses to take his letters out of the post office. It remains 
to be seen whether the people will take him on trust, in tliis land of republican 
liberty, were it is one of their cardinal principles that they have a right to the 
opinions of aspirants, I'roui the highest to the lowest oflice in the government. 

See in what a ridiculous attitude he stands, ior instance, on the Wiimot-proviso 
question. Senator Corwin of Ohio said, in a speech delivered in the United 
States Senate, on the 24lh of July, that if General Taylor was known to be 
opposed to the If'ilmot proviso, he would not vote for him himself, and that he 
would not get a single vole in the free States. !Now, it is well known, on the 
contrary, that if he were to express himself, he would not gel a single vote in the 
slave Slates. Now, what is his opinion on this question .' Wilmot Proviso^ or 
Jiot.^ The southern whigs claim him as opposed to, while the northern wing of 
M'higery insist that he is committed in favor of it ; and, as to the old gentleman, 
he is j/it/m, and refuses to take his letters out of the post office. 

But we have a letter from General T. in reply to one from. Mr. B. M. j\[cCon- 
key of Cincinnati, Ohio, directly in point upon this subject. Now let us hear 
the old General answer for himself. Mr. iMcConkey, among other things, pro- 
pounded ihis inleirogatory : 

" Sliould you become President of the United States, would you veto an act of Congress 
■which .'hoiild prohibit slavery or involuntary servitue foiever, except for crime, in all the terri- 
tories of the United Stales where it does not now exist?" 

To which the General replies : 

Baton Rouge, (La.,) February 15, 1846. 

" Sir : In reply to your inquiries, I have to inform you that I have laid jf down as a prin- 
ciple, not to give any opinions upon, or prejudge in any way, the various (piestions of policy. 
now at issue between ttie political parties of the country, nor to promise what I would or would 
not do, were I elected to the presidency of the United Slates ; ami tliat, in the case presented 
ia your letter, 1 regret to add, I see no reason for departing froni this principl ■. 

" Your obedient servant, 

Z.\CHARY TAYLOR. 

Now, was ever man or politician in such a dilemma .•* 

If he answers in favor of the " Wilmot Proviso,'' he loses all support in the 
slave States; and if against it, (Mr. Corwin says,) he will lose all in the free 
States ; and if he does not answer at all, the probability is, that he will lose both; 
and then again, as to his not answering yes or no, he has solemnly declared, in a 
previous j)ortion of his correspondence, thai the people have a ; /^'/t/ to know the 
opinions of candidates for ojjice, Jrom the hi^hett to the lowest, on all matters of- 
public policy. Now, who does not pity the General in his present predicament? 
iiut il gentlemen wiih not to be catechised, thev must not become candidates for 



high political stations, for which they are not qualified. '-Oh! consistency, thou 
art a jewel" in the whig camp of politics, whether the headquarters be at Mon- 
terey or Baton Rouge. 

But lastly — 
3d. hi relation to the giving of political pledges, as to the principles which wili 
govern his administration in the event of his eleclion, (an event by no means 
probable,) and his independence as a candidate for the presidency. 

Upon this charge it will be found that the General is a used-up man. 

" The moment that you had pronounced him one, 

Presto I his face changed, and he was another ; 
And when that change was hardly well put on. 

It varied, till I don't think, his own mother 
(If that he had a mother) would her son 

Have known, he shifted so from one to t'other. 
Till guessing, from a pleasure grew a task. 
At this epistolary 'iron mask.' " 

And now as to his pledges. In his letter to J. W. Taylor, dated May 18, 
1847, he says : 

'' Id no case can I permit myself to be the candidate of any party, or yield myself to party 
schemes " 

In his letter to a citizen of Lansingburg, New York, dated May 29, 1S47, he 
says : 

'■' But I will not be the candidate of any party or clique ; and should the nation atl arge seek 
to place me in the chair of the chief mag'istracy, the good of all parties and the national good 
would be my great and absorbing aim.'' 

In his letter to Mr. Delony, dated June 9, 1847, he says : 

"If the good people think my services important to that station, (the presidency,) and elect 
me, I will feel bound to serve tliem ; and all the pledges or explanations I can enter into and 
make, as it regards this or that policy, is, that I will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of 
my abilities, strictly in compliance with the constitution. Should I ever occupy the White 
House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and by no act of mine, so that I could 
go into the office untrammelled, and be the chief magistrate of the nation and not of a party. ' 

In his letter to Gen. Peter S. Smith, of Philadelphia, dated July 6, 1847, 
he says : 

" If elected to that high office, it must be by the spontaneous will of the people at large, and 
without any agency or "pledge on my part, in any particular. If ever I fill (hat high office it 
must be untrammelled v.-ith party obligations, or interests of any kind, and undernone but 
iiose which the constitution, and the high interests of the nation at large, most seriously and 
solemnly demand. 1 do not desire the presidency, and only yield tluis far my assent to be con- 
sidered a candidate, in the same proportion in which it is desired by the people, irrespective ot 
party." 

In his letter to Mr. Birkey, dated July 13, 1847, he says : 

'' I am not willing to be the candidate of any party, or to pledge myself to any political creed 
&aive that which proceeds directly from the constitution, and the best and paramount interests of 
the country, and which they solemnly demand. If elected to the presidential office, it must be 
without any agency of my own, and to those duties I must go untrammelled by party pledges- 
of every character." 

In his letter to Doctor Wilcox, dated July 20, 1847, he says : 
" Should I ever occupy the While House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, 
and bv no act of mine, so that I could enter upon the duties appertaining to the Chief Magis- 
trate of the country untrammelled and unpledged, so that I could and would be President ot the 
nattion, and net of a party." 

Id his letter to Mr. William G. Wood, dated Camp near Monterey, September, 
23, 1847, he says : 



10 

" I do not feel myself at liberty to express any sentimcat baving the nature of a pled-'e to aay 
political party 

In his leiterof reply to Messrs. Murphy, Harris, Hopkins, ai:d othert, of Alabatr.a, 
dated Baton Rouge, January 23, 184S, he says : 

"I beg you to accept my profound acknowledgmenta, and to assuie mv fcllow-citisens who 
compose this meeliiiij, that I shall otler no active oppositi-.n to the use of my name iu connexioa 
•with (his responsible office, as long as ihcy co:itinae to use it thus independent of party disltnc- 
tions." 

In his letter to Peter S. Stnith, of Philadeiphia. dated January 30, lS4S,hcsays: 

" I should deem it an honor, and would accept such a nomination, provided it had been 
made entirely independent of party coosideraiions." 

In his letter to Col. A. M. Mitchell of Cincinnati, Ohio, dated Baton Rouge, 
February 1-2, IS IS, he says : 

" I deem it but candid, however, to add, that if the whig party desire, at the next presidenUal 
election, to cast tiieir votes for me, tliey must do it on their own responsibility, and without 
any pledges from me. Should I be elected to that high office, I should deem it io be my duty, 
and should most certainly claim Ihe right, to look to the constitution, and the hi»h interests of 
our common country, and not to the principles of a party, for my rules of action." 

In his letter of February 6, 184S, he say.s; 

"I have not changed the position I fust occupied, as regards my being a candidate for that 
hi^ office. At the same time, such have beeti the indicatioijs of the people, irrespective of 
party, as evinced by large meetings in many of the States in favor of my being a candidate for 
the office in question, as to justify me, without d.-partiug from the course I havvf marked out to 
pursue, to accept a nomination from a national convention, should such be held for the presi- 
dency, from the whigs or democrats, or from both, should they think proper to tender it, without 
being pledged, or even considering myself so, to advocate the views or opinions of either. 
Those who are not willing to vole for me without pledges, let them cast their votes at the pro- 
per timr; for those who will make them." 

And now comes the clincheT upon this subject of no pledges, and the deternii- 
nation of the old General to preserve his independent position, irrespective of 
party, at all hazzards. 

In his letter to the publishers of the Richnaond Republican, dated Baton 
Rouge, (La.) April 20, 1848, he says: 

" if nominated by the ^Vhig National Convention, I shall not refuse acceptance, provided I 
am loft free of all pledges, and permitted to maintain the position of independence of all parties, 
in which Ihe pe<>[)le and my own sense of duty has placed me; otherwise I shall refcse ths 

NO.MI.NATIO.V OK ANV CONVENTION OR PARTY." 

Here, then, is the independent platform of the old General, and his friends say 
that ^ (leneral Taylor never surrenders.''' 

Well, we shall now see whether a change, and a very sudden one, loo, has uoC' 
come over the spirit of his dream. 

We will now refer to the Allison letter of April 22, 1S4S, to show, in the drst 
phce, that the General reiterated what he says he has often said — that he was a 
Whig, hut not an ultra W^hig; and that, if elected, he would endeavor to act in- 
dependetit of party domination. 

He .says he will endeavor to art free of party domination ; but now comes the 
Philadelphia Whig Convention, and Judge Saunders of Louisiana. The .Judge 
s-aid to ihe members of that convention, as the political friend of General Taylor, 
and in behalf of the (Whig) delegation from Louisiana, '• that General Taylor de- 
sires it to be understood, that, in his opinion, his friends who conic into this con- 
veiiiion are bound to abide by its decision, and sustain the nominee ' heart and 
soul,' — that Gen. Taylor recognises in his frirnds in this convention those who 
have the right to withdraw his name, and will cheerfully acquiesce in such with- 
drawal.'' 

Here, then, he submits himself to thi- decision of a Whig Convention, througii 



11 ] 

his friend Judge Saunders, and receives tlie nomination of the Whig party; and 
his approval of this nomination is endorsed by his Balie Peyton Committee at j 
New Orleans, by express authority from liimself. '• 

Now, what becomes of the General and his repeated declarations, that under 
no circumstances would he consent to become the candidate of a party .' What 
■faith can hereafter be reposed in the declarations of such a man? Or what could 
be expected from an administration with such a man cstensihlij at the head of it? 
None — none whatever. Tiie General has surrendered, and is now not only a 
Whig, but an ultra Whig, of " the Boston stamp ;" for Abbott Lawrence, who 
says he speaks by authority, declares to his northern friends ihat General Taylor 
is as good a Whig as himself. . { 

What are his principles now ? His friends refer to his Allison letter as his plat- 
form, in which he says, among other things, " Upon the subject of the inrifT, the j 
currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the ' 
will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought j 
to be respected and carried out by the Executive." 'J'hese, they say, are his , 
opinions. That is, that he is for or against a protective tariff— for or agaiiist a na- 
tional bank — and for or against a system of internal improvement.s, as Congress ; 
may determine. Bui what are your own opinions upon these subjects, Getieral ? 
Mum. As goes the Cotigress, so goes the General. So in regard to the " Wilmot 
proviso." Black or white? is the question— and asrain he is murti. The Whigs , 
at the North say he is for it, while the Whigs of the South say he is opposed to it. 
.Such are the absurdities of the times. 

Now suppose it were possible to give form and feature to such political tergiv- j 
■ersalion, and what a monster would be here presented to our view : i 

" Suppose a painter to a hiinian head | 

Should join 'Old Whitey's' neck, and wildly spread I 

The various plumaoje of" the feathered kind 'j 
O'er limbs of different beasts, absurdly joined ; 
Or, if he gave to view a beauteous maid. 

Above the waist with every charm arrayed, ^ 

Should a foul fish her lower parts unfold — | 

Would you not laugh such pictures to behold? ^ 

Such is'tiie book, which, like a sick man's dreams, ^ 
Varies all shapes, and merges all extremes." 

And yet such are General Taylor's politics! . j 

As to his independence, that'is gone, gone, gone. Now hear v/hat his late in- j 

dependent friends, who have been betrayed by him, say upon that subject. l 

The "Buena Vista'' newspaper, their late organ, thus announces the formal ^ 

disbandment of the independent Taylor party in Maryland : 

" This is the last number of the ' Buena Vista' which will be issued. Our cause has suffered * 
that worst of rni'=fortiines-^/ie failure of its leader. We must take back to our own bosoms the 
confidence we hail so freely lavished ; we can be true to ourselves, ivhen others are untrue to us. \ 
The cause of our country still remains, full of vitality, and more than ever worthy of our devo- 
tion ; the o-enius of the constitution still invokes our fealty and reverence. In the approaching ^ 
political contest, the philosophy of indifference is ours. We rely upon the fortunes of the republic, ; 
and in the mean time remain neutral between the rival competitors for place. Nevertheless, it , 
is for each one to determine his own course for himself. .\3 an organization in behalf oi Uene- ; 

ral Tavlor for the presidency, our bond of unity is gone." 

■* «'** • * ♦ * » * * , 

" We have no private griefs— no mortifications, save the profound one of having failed in an | 
honest effort to serve the best interests of the country. The position of General Taylor, if hon- 
orably mainiained, and his election upon the high ground of manly and patrioUc independence, 
we regarded as fraught, and to be fraught, with incalculable national blessings. ^^ His abandon- 
ment of that position, we look upon as a national calamity proportionally heavy." ^ 

" Finding' him thus unreliable in one thing, we have no reason for supposing we can rely upon 
Iiim in anything. We must lake back to our own bosoms the confidence we had so freely lavished. ] 



12 

Our pain and disappointmrnl arc bitter, in finding that our standard of him, was higher than*his 
standard of himself." '• Wliat we coald not control, we should, under ordinarv circumstances, 
have contented ourselves witli simply lamenting. But, having helped to mislead others while v?e 
■were deceived ourselves, we have I'elt it our duty to undeceive them, so far as this exposition 
has gone. Tiiat done, we shall, as individuals, pursue our own coarse— others will pursue theirs.'* 

His imlepcndent friends in Louisiana have adopted the same course ; and he is 
left alone with iiis Whig principles (such as they are) in the keeping of liis Balie 
Payton Whig committee in Now Orleans, and refuses to take his letters out of the 
post office, because he is charged with the postage, and is unwilling to answer 
them. The election in November will show, that however willing the people 
may be to award all just merit to the General for his military services, (and, even 
as to that, there have been others in the late war with Mexico as good as he,) they 
are, nevertheless, not willing to elevate to the presidential chair a man without 
any civil qualifications or experience whatever; and who, in the short space of a 
twelvemonth, has written himself into so many absurdities and inconsistencies. 
Alas! for the Whig party, when such an availability is made to take precedence 
of such men as Henry Clay. Miserable indeed must be their cause, when driven 
to such extremity; and when their available candidate, after all his supposed 
availability, finds it necessary to resort to such wretched subterfuges! 

But Shakspeare says — and perhaps General Mum and his i'riends expect to profit 
by his observance of the maxim for the t'uture — 

" I do know of those. 

Who therefore only are reputed wise 

For saying notliing." 



' GEN. TAYLOR SURRENDERS TO THE WHIGS. 

Baton Rouge, La., July 15, 1848. 

Sir: 1 have had the honor to receive your communication of June 10th, an- 
nouncing that the whig convention, which assembled at Philadelphia on the 7th 
of that month, and of which you were the presiding officer, iias nominated me 
lor the office of President of the United Slates. 

Looking to the composition of the convention, and its numerous and patriotic 
constituency, 1 feel deeply grateful for the honor bestowed upon me, and for the 
distinguished confidence i!n;)lied in my nomination by it to the highest office in 
the gift of the American people. 

I "COHUIALLY ACCEPT TILVT NOMINATION, but with a sincere distrust 
of my htness to fulfil the duties of an office which demands for its exercise the 
most exalted abilities and patriotism, and which has been rendered illustrious by 
the greatest names in our history. But, should the selection of the ^Vhig con- 
vention bo confirmed by the people, 1 shall endeavor to discharge the new duties 
then devolving upon me, so as to meet the just expectations ol" my fellow-citizens, 
and preserve undiminished the prosperity and reputation of our common country. 

I have the honor to remain, with the highest respect, your most obedient ser- 
vant, Z. TAYLOR. 

To the Hon. J. M. Morehead, 

Greensboro', (iuilford county, North Carolina. 



14 

Concluding that this nomination, like all others which I Iiavo had the honor of 
receiviniTfroin assemblages of my fellow-citizens in various parts of the Union, has 
been generously offered me without pledges oi conditions, IT IS THANKFULLY 
ACCEJTED. And I beg you to assure my friends in whose behalf you arc acting, 
that sliould it be ray lot to fill the office for which I have hceu thus nominated, it 
shall be my unceasing effort in the discharge of its responsible duties to give satis- 
faction to my countrymen. 

With the assurance of my high esteem, I have the honor to be, your obedient 
servant, ' z, TAYLOR. 

W.v. B. Pringle, Esq., President ^-c, Charleston, S. C. 



BLOOD-HOUNDS ONCE MORE. 
A Resolution from John Q. Adams for Gen. Taylor to answer. 

The Congressional Globe for 1S40, page 252, contains a resolution ollercd 
March 9th by Hon. John Quincy Adams, in the following words : 

" Resolved, That the Secretarj' of War be directed to report to this House, the natural, poli- 
tical, and martial history of the blood-liouinU, showing the peculiar fitness of the class of war- 
riors to be the associates of the oallant army of the United States, specilying the nice discrimi- 
nation of his scent between the blood of tiie freeman and the blood of the slave — between the 
blood of the armed warrior, and women and children — the blood of the black, white, and colored 
man — between the blood of savage Seminoles and that of the Anglo-Saxon pious Christian. — 
Also, a statement of the number of biood hounds and their conductors, imported by the Govern- 
ment, or the authorities ot Florida, fiom the island of Cuba, and the cost of that importation. — 
Also, whether further importation of the same heroic race into the State of JVlaine, to await the 
contingency of a contested northeastern boundary question, is contemplated, or only to settle 
an example to be followed by our possible adversary in the event of a conflict. Whether meas- 
ures have been taken to secure exclusively to ourselves the employment of this auxiliary force, 
and whether he deems it expedient to extend to the said blood-hounds and their posterity the 
benefits of the pension law." 

In the ordinary process of military matters, this resolution would be endorsed, 
"Respectfully referred to the General commanding in Florida, by whom the em- 
ployment of blood-hounds was recommended, to give the information sought." — 
And that being the case, the following letter becomes interesting : 

Headquarters, Army in the South, 

Fort Broolce, July 28, 1839. 

Sir : I have iho lionor to enclose you a communication, this moment received, 
on the subject of procuring blood-houitds from the island of Cuba, to aid the army 
in its operations against the hostiles in Florida, I am decidedly in favor of the 
measure, and beg leave again to urge it, as the only means of ridding the country 
of the Indians, who are now broken up into small parties that take shelter in 
swamps and hammocks as the army approaches, making it impossible for us to 
follow or overtake them without the aid of such auxiliaries. 

Should the measure meet ilie approbation of the Department, and the necessary 
authority be granted, I will open a correspondence on the subject with Mr. Ev- 
erston, through Major Hunt, assistant quartermaster at Savannah, and will author- 
ize him, if it can be done on reasonable terms, to employ a few dogs, with per- 
sons who understand their management. 

I wish it distinctly understood, that my object in employing dogs is only to 
ascertain where the Indians can be found, not to worry them. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR, 

Bvt. Brig. Gen. U. S. .1. CommPg. 

To Gen. R. Jones, Washington, D. C. 



13 



NINE DAYS LATER! 



GENERAL TAYLOR. SEEING THE COMPANY INTO WHICH HE HAS FAir> n 
BACKS OUT OF THE WHIG NOMINATION. 

Baton Rouge, La., July 24, 1848. 

Dear Sir : Your letter of the 5tli instant, asking of me a line or two in regard 
lo my position as a candidate for tlie Presidency, has been duly received. 

In reply, I have to say that 1 AM NOT A PARTY CANDIDATE, and if elected 
shall not be the President of a party, but the President of the whoie people. 

I am, dear sir, with hi^h respect and regard, vour most obedient servant, 

Z. TAYLOR. 

Geobge LirPARD, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. 



L.4TER still:: 

GENERAL TAYLOR REGRETS THAT HE WAS NOT NOMINATED BY 
THE DEMOCRATS. 

" I never had any aspirations for the Presidency, nor have 1 now, farther than 
the wishes of my friends are concerned in the matter; nor would 1 have it on 
any other terms than I stated when the subject was first agitited, which is, that 
my acceptance must be without pledges or being trammelled in any *vay, so that 
I could be the President of the whole nation and not of a parly. 

" I have accepted the nomination of the Philadelphia Convention, as well as 
the nomination of many primary assemblies gotten up in various sections of the 
Union in some instances irrespective of party ; AND WOL'LD HAVE ACCEPT- 
ED THE NOMINATION OF THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION haditbeen 
tendered on the same terms. I am now fully, if no/ fairly, before the country as a 
candidate for the Chief Magistracy ; and if it should be my good or bad fortune to 
be elected, I trust my course will be such, for the most part, as regards the raan- 
atrement of our national affairs, as will meet the approbation of my fellow-citizens. 
Should they fail to do so, they will, I flatter myself, have the charity to attribute 
my errors to the head, and not to the heart. 

" Very respectfully, your friend, Z. TAYLOR." 



THE VERY LATEST RECEIVED::! 

GENERAL TAYLOR ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION OF THE CHARLESTON 
DEMOCRATS, ON THE TICKET WITH GEN. BUTLER. 

Baton Rouge, (La.) August 9, 184G. 

Sir: I have the honor lo acknowledge the receipt of your communication of 
the 26th ult., officially announcing to me my nomination for the presidency by 
"A LARGE MEETING OF THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF CHARLES- 
TON, SOUTH CAROLINA," held in that city on the 29th uU., and over which 
you were the presiding ofHcer. 

This deliberate expression of the friendly feeling existing towards rae among 
a large and respectable portion of the citizens of your distinguished State, has 
been received with emotions of PROFOUND GRATITUDE: and though it be 
but a poor return for such a high and unmerited honor, I BEG THEM TO AC- 
CEPT MY HEARTFELT THANKS. 



16 

the occasion. Before engaging in it, it was his belief that it was irresistibly forced 
^lpon us. If he had ever doubted before, conversation witii the most intelligent 
men in Mexico would have confirmed him in the opinion, that after the annexa- 
tion of Texas, it was unavoidable on our part. Conquest was evidently neither 
the cause nor the object of the war, and yet he was constrained to say, that there 
had seemed to be, in the obstinacy of the Mexicans, the uniform success of our 
arms, and the present state of our relations with that country, something like the 
irresistible force of destiny. For one, it has been, and still was, his hope that a 
peace, just and honorable to both nations, might be in some way achieved. The 
obstacles to such a consummation, as he apprehended, had arisen from unexpect- 
ed sources. There was, unquestionably, in Mexico, a formidable and intelligent 
party, who had resisted, and would resist, negotiations, so long as they coulc 
hope, through our army, to escape from the military misrule under which tha 
country had literally groaned for the last twenty years. Again, the parly desirin: 
peace, and sincerely striving for it, had been embarrassed and weakened, if no;, 
discouraged, by the course of things here. President Herrera and the Mexican 
Congress, who were understood to be in favorof peace, might be so weakened by the declarations 
' of our own countrymen, that they would not dare to coiickide a peace. When at the camp near 
Jalapa, a paper published in that city ivas brought to him, the whole of the first page of which, and. 
apart of the second, was filled wilii. extracts fr<'in tae ^I.neiiaan presa, and from speeches made in 
this country, which induced the editors to say, that while the intelligent and virtuous porfimi of the 
people of ^~orih ,dmerica heldsuch sentiments, nothing remained for them to add in justification of 
their course towards the United Slates. On the same day that he read the bitter denunciations of 
the war, and all connected with it, from newspaper articles and speeches made at home, he saw 
posted by the way side, and upon the ranches, the proclamation of Gen. Saias to the guerrillas, 
■with the watchword of ' Death to Yankees, without mercy!' Thus, with communication cut off 
from the coast, with no knowledge of the situation of the army in the interior, with daily rumors 
of strong forces to obstruct their march, was there furnished from our own country food which fed 
the ferocity that pursued his command at every turn. The effect it was calculated to produce 
upon the Mexican Government and people was sufficiently obvious. What was the feeling in- 
spired in his own command, it was unnecessary to say. However lightly their position might be 
regarded at home, they knew that there was but one course, and that was to go forward. In the 
office of the Secretary of State, in ilie city of Mexico, a large collection of extracts from newspapers 
and speeches of our own countrymen were found filed awaifin the pigeon holes, and had been used in 
preparing proclamations to infiume the Mei^an population. Men of all parties in this country 
exercised their own judgment, and expressed their own opinion, in their own way ; and so he' 
trusted it would ever be ; but he could not but regard it as most unfortunate that upon a great 
question, involving the blood of our countrymen, and so deeply and vitally the interests of the 
nation, we could not present a united front. If we could have done so, he firmly believed that 
months ago there would have been a peace, just and honorable to both nations. If we could do 
so now, he thought tbe skies were bright and promising. General Pierce, after again thanking 
the audience for their kind reception, sat down amid repeated and enthusiastic cheering." 



EXTRACT FROM A WORK ENTITLED "ADVENTURES IN MEXICO," BY C. 

DONNAVAN. 
'« But the most difficult matter of comprehension to the editor, was how Whig-- generals should 
be placed at the head of the American army, while the Administration was opposed to the 
Whigs. And when Corwin's speech against the war was received through 'El Monitor,^ from 
the city of Mexico, we were asked if Senor Corwin wsuld not immediately raise a company of 
vclunteers,hsue zpronunciam)hito,zinA attack the President i The editor was delighted with 
the speech, and republished it, by inserting some two columns daily. He esteemed Senor Cor- 
win, as far superior to Senor Polk, in sagacity and eloquence. But, poor fellow, he knows but 
little of the enlightened state of parties in this country, where officials can abuse each other 
■with impunity, and where greater rejplutions have been consummated by the pen, than were 
ever accomplished by the sword. 

These extracts, with the declarations of such personages as Twiggs, Morgan, and Doniphan, 
will be acknowledged by posterity at least, and perchance by some of the present jeneratioa 
too, to make out the case ot inoral treason pretty satisfactorily. 

-•^■^ 



15 

From Gen. Taylor, therefore, ihe inforinaljon sought must come. Tlie ques- 
tions propounded have never been answered. But it is not even now too late. 
These are the same blood-liounds that were let loose on Mr. Van Buron, who 
was the Democratic candidate in 1840. Something of their nature and charac- 
teristics- was ilien made out — but their real history, and especially their true pater- 
nity, was not discovered. A voice from the grave, as it were, now calls upon 
General Taylor lor ii^ht upon this subject — light which he alone can give. And 
there is no postage unpaid in the way, since the call is spread upon the public 
documents. . * 



DR. LIEBER'S DEFINITION OF A TRAITOR. 

Dr. Licber, in his great work on Ethics, thus describes the duJv o[ a citizen to 
his Governrrent: 

•' Remember that it is your slate, your nation, that declares and tights out the 
war, not this or that minister; remember that the honor and history of your coun- 
try are engaged ; that however conscientious you be in your opposition, you may 
err after all; that you cannot oppose the administration, without slrengthenino- 
the enemy, who has unsheathed his sword against your kindred. A traitor is he 
who would not gladly defend his own country. If an opposition feels really and 
conscientiously convinced that the war is inexpedient, let them lollow the old 
Roman rule — ' treat after victory, but fight until then.' "* ^ ♦ 



EXTRACT FROM COL. WYNKOOP'S LETTER. 

■' We, here, can see no difTerence between the men who in 177(5 succored the 
British, and those who in iS47 gave arguments and sympathy to the i\Iexicans. 
JTliis kind of language, from r. man who came into this campaign a Whig in 
7)oiicy. may sound strange to you, but 1 have again and again been compelled to 
listen to and to suffer that which would have changed the disposition and alien- 
ated the alleclions of the most determined piartisan. Even now, I do not object 
to the leadiiig and main principles of my old party, so much as I curse and de- 
precate the tone of its acknowledged leaders and supporters. If there is any 
reason which will prevent General Scott from efleclii?g an honorable peace, com- 
manding, as he does, the whole city of the Aztecs, with his powerful battery, it 
is the spirit of treason which I unhesitatingly say is promulgated by the leading 
Whiff journals ai home. In a sortie upon some ladrones at Jalapa, a short time 
since, I possessed myself of all tlie late newspaper publications in that place, and 
%pon examiiiin:: them, I find that, in that place, same as in Mexico, the strongest 
arfuraents published against our army are selections from Whig papers in the 
United Stales,^ I send you a late copy of the 'Bolelin de Noticias,' in which you 
will perceive that the first article is an extract from the National Intelligencer. 
"Yourfiien.l, F. M. WYNKOOP." 

^ 

■\IK\('T KK^AI Tin: SPKECH OF f;EN'. PIERCE, DELIVEKED AT CONCORD, 
NEW HAMFSlilKK, JANUARY 29. 

" He was here, not to discuss any matter in controversy, but to meet his friends. 
h)'.il!. the subject of the wiir was necessarily presented to their consideration by 



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